Iranians have come to the United States for many reasons—including for education and political and religious asylum—and by many accounts have reached impressive socioeconomic status for themselves and their families (see the interviews in Kelley, Friedlander, and Colby 1993). Sociological study on the Iranian diaspora in the U.S. has sought to explain the relatively high educational and occupational outcomes of the sons and daughters of successive migration waves out of Iran: the “second generation.” In parallel with what many Iranians themselves claim, sociologists have argued that this success is due to parental and community pressure to succeed as well as resources stemming from the first generation’s income levels, high educational attainment, and ethnic networks in select locales (Bozorgmehr and Douglas 2011; Bozorgmehr and Ketcham 2018). However, this account tends to elide the fact that first-generation Iranian immigrants in the U.S. are better educated on average than the populations of both the U.S. and Iran. A recent study noted that 48% of female and 63% of male first-generation Iranian immigrants above the age of 25 had a bachelor’s degree or higher (Bozorgmehr and Ketcham 2018, 39). In this sense, the dynamics of Iranian immigration and second-generation success share much with those of other Asian immigrant communities in the U.S. This research expands on the existing literature on Iranian immigrant integration through a comparative demographic perspective. Corbeil places Iranian immigration in the context of Asian immigration more broadly by applying insights gleaned from sociological work on Asian migration to new and underutilized data on Iranian-Americans.